On December 1, 1955, Mrs. Rosa Parks refused to move when she was asked to get up and move back by the bus operator. Mrs. Parks was sitting in the first seat in the unreserved section. All of the seats were taken, and if Mrs. Parks had followed the command of the bus operator she would have stood up and given up her seat for a male white passenger, who had just boarded the bus. In a quiet, calm, dignified manner, so characteristic of the radiant personality of Mrs. Parks, she refused to move. The result was her arrest.
One can never understand the action of Mrs. Parks until one realizes that eventually the cup of endurance runs over, and the human personality cries out, "I can't take it no longer." Mrs. Parks's refusal to move back was her intrepid and courageous affirmation to the world that she had had enough. (No, she was not planted there by the NAACP or any other organization; she was planted there by her sense of dignity and self-respect.) She was a victim of both the forces of history and the forces of destiny. Mrs. Parks was ideal for the role assigned to her by history. Her character was impeccable and her dedication deep-rooted. All of these traits made her one of the most respected people in the Negro community.
Her trial was set for Monday, December 5.
Only E. D. Nixon - the signer of Mrs. Parks's bond - and one or two other persons were aware of the arrest when it occurred early Thursday evening. Nixon had always been a foe of injustice. You could look at the face of this tall, dark-skinned, graying man and tell that he was a fighter. In his work as a Pullman porter, he was in close contact with organized labor. He had served as state president of the NAACP and also as president of the Montgomery branch. Through each of these mediums E. D. Nixon worked fearlessly to achieve the rights of his people, and to rouse the Negroes from their apathy.
Early Friday morning, December 2, Nixon called me. He was so caught up in what he was about to say that he forgot to greet me with the usual hello but plunged immediately into the story of what had happened to Mrs. Parks the night before. I listened, deeply shocked, as he described the humiliating incident. "We have taken this type of thing too long already," Nixon concluded, his voice trembling. "I feel that the time has come to boycott the buses. Only through a boycott can we make it clear to the white folks that we will not accept this type of treatment any longer."
I agreed that some protest was necessary and that the boycott method would be an effective one.
Just before calling me
Nixon had discussed the idea with Rev. Ralph Abernathy, the young
minister of Montgomery's First Baptist Church who was to become
one of the central figures in the protest. Abernathy also felt a
bus boycott was our best course of action. So for thirty or forty
minutes the three of us telephoned back and forth concerning plans
and strategy. Nixon suggested that we call a meeting of all the
ministers and civic leaders that same evening in order to
get their thinking on the proposal, and I offered my church as the
As the hour for the meeting arrived, I approached the church with some apprehension, wondering how many of the leaders would respond to our call. More than forty people, from every segment of Negro life, were crowded into the large church meeting room. The largest number there was from the Christian ministry. I was filled with joy when I found so many of them there; for then I knew that something unusual was about to happen.
Rev. L. Roy Bennett, president
of Montgomery's Interdenominational Alliance and minister of the
Mt. Zion A.M.E. Church, presented the proposal that the Negro citizens
of Montgomery should boycott the buses on Monday in protest. "Now
is the time to move," he concluded. "This is no time to talk; it
is time to act." He appointed a committee, including myself, to
prepare the statement. Our final message read as follows:
Don't ride the bus to work, to town, to school, or any place Monday, December 5. Another Negro woman has been arrested and put in jail because she refused to give up her bus seat. Don't ride the buses to work, to town, to school, or anywhere on Monday. If you work, take a cab, or share a ride, or walk. Come to a mass meeting, Monday at 7:00 P.m., at the Holt Street Baptist Church for further instruction.
I was so excited that I slept very little that night, and early the next morning I was on my way to the church to get the leaflets out. By eleven o'clock an army of women and young people had taken the seven thousand leaflets off to distribute by hand.
"Put justice in business"
The bus situation was one
of the sore spots of Montgomery. If a visitor had come to Montgomery
before the bus boycott, he would have heard bus operators referring
to Negro passengers as "niggers," "black apes," and "black cows."
He would have frequently noticed Negro passengers getting on at
the front door and paying their fares, and then being forced to
get off and go to the back doors to board the bus, and often he
would have noticed that before the Negro passenger
could get to the back door, the bus rode off with his fare in the
box. But even more, that visitor would have noticed Negro passengers
standing over empty seats. No matter if a white person never got
on the bus and the bus was filled up with Negro passengers, these
Negro passengers were prohibited from sitting in the first four
seats because they were only for white passengers. It even went
beyond this. If the reserved section for whites was filled up with
white persons, and additional white persons boarded the bus, then
Negro passengers sitting in the unreserved section were often asked
to stand up and give their seats to white persons. If they refused
to do this, they were arrested.
After a heavy day of work,
I went home late Sunday afternoon and sat down to read the morning
paper. There was a long article on the proposed boycott. Implicit
throughout the article, I noticed, was the idea that the Negroes
were preparing to use the same approach to their problem as the
White Citizens Councils used.
As a result of reading
that article, I was forced for the first time to think seriously
on the nature of the boycott method. Up to this time I had uncritically
accepted this method as our best course of action. Now certain doubts
began to bother me. Were we following an ethical course of action?
Is the boycott method basically unchristian? Isn't it a negative
approach to the solution of a problem? Was it true that we would
be following the course of some of the White Citizens Councils?
Even if lasting practical results came from such a boycott, would
immoral means justify moral ends? Each of these questions demanded
I had to recognize that
the boycott method could be used to unethical and unchristian ends.
I had to concede, further, that this was the method used so often
by White Citizens Councils to deprive many Negroes, as well as white
persons of goodwill, of the basic necessities of life. But certainly,
I said to myself, our pending actions could not be interpreted in
this light. Our purposes were altogether different. We would use
this method to give birth to justice and freedom, and also to urge
men to comply with the law of the land. Our concern would not be
to put the bus company out of business, but to put justice in business.
As I thought further, I came to see that what we were really doing was withdrawing our cooperation from an evil system, rather than merely withdrawing our support from the bus company. The bus company, being an external expression of the system, would naturally suffer, but the basic aim was to refuse to cooperate with evil. At this point I began to think about Thoreau's "Essay on Civil Disobedience." I became convinced that what we were preparing to do in Montgomery was related to what Thoreau had expressed. We were simply saying to the white community, "We can no longer lend our cooperation to an evil system." From this moment on I conceived of our movement as an act of massive noncooperation. From then on I rarely used the word "boycott."
"A miracle had taken place"
Wearied, but no longer
doubtful about the morality of our proposed protest, I prepared
to retire early. But, soon after I was in bed, two week-old Yolanda
Denise began crying and the telephone started ringing. Clearly condemned
to stay awake for some time longer, I used the time to think about
other things. My wife and I discussed the possible success of the
protest. Coretta and I agreed that if we could get 60 percent cooperation
the protest would be a success.
Around midnight a call
from one of the committee members informed me that every Negro taxi
company in Montgomery had agreed to support the protest on Monday
morning. After midnight the phone stopped ringing and Yoki stopped
crying. Wearily, I said good night to Coretta, and with a strange
mixture of hope and anxiety, I fell asleep.
My wife and I awoke earlier
than usual on Monday morning. We were up and fully dressed by five-thirty.
The day for the protest had arrived, and we were determined to see
the first act of this unfolding drama.
Fortunately, a bus stop
was just five feet from our house. We could observe the opening
stages from our front window. And so we waited through an interminable
half hour. I was in the kitchen drinking my coffee when I heard
Coretta cry, "Martin, Martin, come quickly!" I put down my cup and
ran toward the living room. As I approached the front window Coretta
pointed joyfully to a slowly moving bus: "Darling, it's empty!"
I could hardly believe what I saw. I knew that the South Jackson
line, which ran past our house, carried more
Negro passengers than any other line in Montgomery, and that this
first bus was usually filled with domestic workers going to their
jobs. Would all of the other buses follow the pattern that had been
set by the first? Eagerly we waited for the next bus. In fifteen
minutes it rolled down the street, and, like the first, it was empty.
A third bus appeared, and it too was empty of all but two white
I jumped in my car and
for almost an hour I cruised down every major street and examined
every passing bus. At the peak of the morning traffic, I saw no
more than eight Negro passengers riding the buses. Instead of the
60 percent cooperation we had hoped for, it was becoming apparent
that we had reached almost 100 percent. A miracle had taken place.
The once dormant and quiescent Negro community was now fully awake.
All day long it continued. At the afternoon peak the buses were still as empty of Negro passengers as they had been in the morning. Students of Alabama State College were cheerfully walking or thumbing rides. Job holders had either found other means of transportation or made their way on foot. Men were seen riding mules to work, and more than one horse-drawn buggy drove the streets of Montgomery that day.
During the rush hours the
sidewalks were crowded with laborers and domestic workers trudging
patiently to their jobs and home again, sometimes as much as twelve
miles. They knew why they walked, and the knowledge was evident
in the way they carried themselves. And as I watched them I knew
that there is nothing mare majestic than the determined courage
of individuals willing to suffer and sacrifice for their freedom
Around nine-thirty in the
morning I tore myself from the action of the city streets and headed
for the crowded police court. Here Mrs. Parks was being tried for
disobeying the city segregation ordinance. After the judge heard
the arguments, he found Mrs. Parks guilty and fined her $10.00 and
court costs (a total of $14.00). She appealed the case. This was
one of the first clear-cut instances in which a Negro had been convicted
for disobeying the segregation law. In the past, either cases like
this had been dismissed or the people involved had been charged
with disorderly conduct. So in a real sense the arrest and conviction
of Mrs. Parks had a twofold impact: it was a precipitating factor
to arouse the Negroes to positive action;
and it was a test of the validity of the segregation law itself.
I am sure that supporters of such prosecutions would have acted
otherwise if they had had the prescience to look beyond the moment.
Leaving Mrs. Parks's trial, Ralph Abernathy, E. D. Nixon, and Rev. E. N. French-then minister of the Hilliard Chapel A.M.E. Zion Church-discussed the need for some organization to guide and direct the protest. Up to this time things had moved forward more or less spontaneously. These men were wise enough to see that the moment had now come for a clearer order and direction.
Meanwhile Roy Bennett had
called several people together at three o'clock to make plans for
the evening mass meeting. Everyone present was elated by the tremendous
success that had already attended the protest. But beneath this
feeling was the question, where do we go from here? When E. D. Nixon
reported on his discussion with Abernathy and French earlier in
the day, and their suggestions for an ad hoc organization, the group
responded enthusiastically. The new organization needed a name,
and several were suggested. Someone proposed the Negro Citizens
Committee; but this was rejected because it resembled too closely
the White Citizens Councils. Other suggestions were made and dismissed
until finally Ralph Abernathy offered a name that was agreeable
to all-the Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA). The next job
was to elect the officers.
As soon as Bennett had
opened the nominations for president, Rufus Lewis spoke from the
far corner of the room: "Mr. Chairman, I would like to nominate
Reverend M. L. King for president." The motion was seconded and
carried, and in a matter of minutes I was unanimously elected.
The action had caught me unawares. It had happened so quickly that I did not even have time to think it through. It is probable that if I had, I would have declined the nomination. They probably picked me because I had not been in town long enough to be identified with any particular group or clique. Just three weeks before, several members of the local chapter of the NAACP had urged me to run for the presidency of that organization, assuring me that I was certain of election. After my wife and I discussed the matter, we agreed that I should not then take on any heavy community responsibilities, since I had so recently finished my thesis, and needed to give more attention to my church work. Coretta's opposition probably resulted in one of the luckiest decisions of my life. For when the bus protest movement broke out, I would hardly have been able to accept the presidency of the Montgomery Improvement Association without lending weight to the oft-made white contention that the whole thing was an NAACP conspiracy.
With these organizational
matters behind us, we turned to a discussion of the evening meeting.
Several people, not wanting the reporters to know our future moves,
suggested that we just sing and pray; if there were specific recommendations
to be made to the people, these could be mimeographed and passed
out secretly during the meeting. This, they felt, would leave the
reporters in the dark. Others urged that something should be done
to conceal the true identity of the leaders, feeling that if no
particular name was revealed it would be safer for all involved.
After a rather lengthy discussion, E. D. Nixon rose impatiently:
"We are acting like little
boys," he said. "Somebody's name will have to be known, and if we
are afraid we might just as well fold up right now. We must also
be men enough to discuss our recommendations in the open; this idea
of secretly passing something around on paper is a lot of bunk.
The white folks are eventually going to find it out anyway. We'd
better decide now if we are going to be fearless men or scared boys."
With this forthright statement the air was cleared. Nobody would again suggest that we try to conceal our identity or avoid facing the issue head-on. Nixon's courageous affirmation had given new heart to those who were about to be crippled by fear.
It was unanimously agreed that the protest should continue until certain demands were met, and that a committee under the chairmanship of Ralph Abernathy would draw up these demands in the form of a resolution and present them to the evening mass meeting for approval. Someone suggested that perhaps we should reconsider our decision to continue the protest. "Would it not be better," said the speaker, "to call off the protest while it is still a success rather than let it go on a few more days and fizzle out? We have already proved our united strength to the white community. If we stop now we can get anything we want from the bus company, simply because they will have the feeling that we can do it again. But if we continue, and most of the people return to the buses tomorrow or the next day, the white people will laugh at us, and we will end up getting nothing." This argument was so convincing that we almost resolved to end the protest. But we finally agreed to let the mass meeting which was only about an hour off-be our guide. If the meeting was well attended and the people were enthusiastic, we would continue; otherwise we would call off the protest that night.
"The most decisive speech of my life"
I went home for the first time since seven that morning, and found Coretta relaxing from a long day of telephone calls and general excitement. After we had brought each other up to date on the day's developments, I told her, somewhat hesitantly-not knowing what her reaction would be-that I had been elected president of the new association. I need not have worried. Naturally surprised, she still saw that since the responsibility had fallen on me, I had no alternative but to accept it. She did not need to be told that we would now have even less time together, and she seemed undisturbed at the possible danger to all of us in my new position. "You know," she said quietly, "that whatever you do, you have my backing."
Reassured, I went to my
study and closed the door. The minutes were passing fast. I had
only twenty minutes to prepare the most decisive speech of my life.
I became possessed by fear. Now I was faced with the inescapable
task of preparing, in almost no time at all, a speech that was expected
to give a sense of direction to a people imbued with a new and still
unplumbed passion for justice. I was also conscious that reporters
and television men would be there with their pencils and sound cameras
poised to record my words and send them across the nation.
I was now almost overcome,
obsessed by a feeling of inadequacy. In this state of anxiety, I
wasted five minutes of the original twenty. With nothing left but
faith in a power whose matchless strength stands over against the
frailties and inadequacies of human nature, I turned to God in prayer.
My words were brief and simple, asking God to restore my balance
and to be with me in a time when I needed His guidance more than
With less than fifteen
minutes left, I began preparing an outline. In
the midst of this, however, I faced a new and sobering dilemma:
how could I make a speech that would be militant enough to keep,
my people aroused to positive action and yet moderate enough to
keep this fervor within controllable and Christian bounds? I knew
that many of the Negro people were victims of bitterness that could
easily rise to flood proportions. What could I say to keep them
courageous and prepared for positive action and yet devoid of hate
and resentment? Could the militant and the moderate be combined
in a single speech?
I decided that I had to
face the challenge head-on, and attempt to combine two apparent
irreconcilables. I would seek to arouse the group to action by insisting
that their self-respect was at stake and that if they accepted such
injustices without protesting, they would betray their own sense
of dignity and the eternal edicts of God Himself. But I would balance
this with a strong affirmation of the Christian doctrine of love.
By the time I had sketched an outline of the speech in my mind,
my time was up. Without stopping to eat supper (I had not eaten
since morning) I said good-bye to Coretta and drove to the Holt
Street Church. Within five blocks of the church I noticed a traffic
jam. Cars were lined up as far as I could see on both sides of the
It took fully fifteen minutes
to push my way through to the pastor's study. By now my doubts concerning
the continued success of our venture were dispelled. The question
of calling off the protest was now academic. The enthusiasm of these
thousands of people swept everything along like an onrushing tidal
It was some time before the remaining speakers could push their way to the rostrum through the tightly packed church. When the meeting began it was almost half an hour late. The opening hymn was the old familiar "Onward Christian Soldiers," and when that mammoth audience stood to sing, the voices outside swelling the chorus in the church, there was a mighty ring like the glad echo of heaven itself.
The chairman introduced me. I rose and stood before the pulpit. Television cameras began to shoot from all sides. The crowd grew quiet.
Without manuscript or notes, I told the story of what had happened to Mrs. Parks. Then I reviewed the long history of abuses and insults that Negro citizens had experienced on the city buses:
We are here this evening
for serious business. We are here in a general sense because first
and foremost we are American citizens and we are determined to apply
our citizenship to the fullness of its meaning. We are here also
because of our love for democracy, because of our deep-seated belief
that democracy transformed from thin paper to thick action is the
greatest form of government on earth . . . .
You know, my friends,
there comes a time when people get tired of being trampled over
by the iron feet of oppression. There comes a time, my friends,
when people get tired of being plunged across the abyss of humiliation,
where they experience the bleakness of nagging despair. There comes
a time when people get tired of being pushed out of the glittering
sunlight of life's July, and left standing amid the piercing chill
of an alpine November.
And we are not wrong. We are not wrong in what we are doing. If we are wrong, the Supreme Court of this nation is wrong. If we are wrong, the Constitution of the United States is wrong. If we are wrong, God Almighty is wrong. If we are wrong, Jesus of Nazareth was merely a utopian dreamer that never came down to earth. And we are determined here in Montgomery to work and fight until justice runs down like water and righteousness like a mighty stream.
I want to say that in
all of our actions we must stick together. Unity is the great need
of the hour, and if we are united we can get many of the things
that we not only desire but which we justly deserve. And don't let
anybody frighten you. We are not afraid of what we are doing, because
we are doing it within the law. There is never a time in our American
democracy that we must ever think we're wrong when we protest. We
reserve that right.
We, the disinherited
of this land, we who have been oppressed so long, are tired of going
through the long night of captivity. And now we are reaching out
for the daybreak of freedom and justice and equality. May I say
to you, my friends, as I come to a close . . . that we must keep
. . . God in the forefront. Let us be Christian in all of our actions.
But I want to tell you this evening that it is not enough for us
to talk about love. Love is one of the pivotal points of the Christian
faith. There is another side called justice.
Standing beside love
is always justice and we are only using the tools
of justice. Not only are we using the tools of persuasion but we've
come to see that we've got to use
the tools of coercion. Not only is this thing
a process of education but it is also a process of legislation.
As we stand and sit here
this evening and as we prepare ourselves for
what lies ahead, let us go out with a grim and bold determination that
we are going to stick together. We are going to work together. Right
here in Montgomery, when the
history books are written in the future,somebody
will have to say, "There lived a race
of people, a black people, fleecy
locks and black complexion,' a people who had the moral courage
to stand up for their rights.
And thereby they injected a new meaning into
the veins of history and of civilization."
As I took my seat the people
rose to their feet and applauded. I was thankful to God that the
message had gotten over and that the task of combining the militant
and the moderate had been at least partially accomplished. The people
had been as enthusiastic when I urged them to love as they were
when I urged them to protest.
As I sat listening to the
continued applause I realized that this speech had evoked more response
than any speech or sermon I had ever delivered, and yet it was virtually
unprepared. I came to see for the first time what the older preachers
meant when they said, "Open your mouth and God will speak for you."
While I would not let this experience tempt me to overlook the need
for continued preparation, it would always remind me that God can
transform man's weakness into his glorious opportunity.
Now the time had come for
the all-important resolution. Ralph Abernathy read the words slowly
and forcefully. The resolution called upon the Negroes not to resume
riding the buses until (1) courteous treatment by the bus operators
was guaranteed; (2) passengers were seated on a first-come, first-served
basis-Negroes seating from the back of the bus toward the front,
whites from the front toward the back; (3) Negro bus operators were
employed on predominantly Negro routes. At the words, "All in favor
of the motion stand," every person to a man stood up, and those
who were already standing raised their hands. Cheers began to ring
out from both inside and outside.
As I drove away my heart was full. I had never seen such enthusiasm for freedom. And yet this enthusiasm was tempered by amazing self-discipline. The unity of purpose and esprit de corps of these people had been indescribably moving. No historian would ever be able fully to describe this meeting and no sociologist would ever be able to interpret it adequately. One had to be a part of the experience really to understand it.
ON FIRST BOYCOTT MEETING
The deliberations of that brisk and cold night in December will long be stenciled on the mental sheets of succeeding generations. Little did we know on that night that we were starting a movement that would rise to international proportions; a movement whose lofty echos would ring in the ears of people of every nation; a movement that would stagger and astound the imagination of the oppressor, while leaving a glittering star of hope etched in the midnight skies of the oppressed. Little did we know that night that we were starting a movement that would gain the admiration of men of goodwill all over the world. But God still has a mysterious way to perform His wonders. It seems that God decided to use Montgomery as the proving ground for the struggle and triumph of freedom and justice in America. It is one of the ironies of our day that Montgomery, the Cradle of the Confederacy, is being transformed into Montgomery, the cradle of freedom and justice.
Address at First Institute for Nonviolence and Social Change, December 3, 1956
The day of days, December 5, 1955, was drawing to a close. We all prepared to go to our homes, not yet fully aware of what had happened. I said to myself, the victory is already won, no matter how long we struggle to attain the three points of the resolution. It is a victory infinitely larger than the bus situation. The real victory was in the mass meeting, where thousands of black people stood revealed with a new sense of dignity and destiny. That night we were starting a movement that would gain national recognition; whose echoes would ring in the ears of people of every nation; a movement that would astound the oppressor, and bring new hope to the oppressed. That night was Montgomery's moment in history.
The Estate of Martin Luther King, Jr.