Paul Ryan's Redistributionism
How the Ryan roadmap takes from the rich and gives to the poor.
Share your thoughts.
How the Ryan roadmap takes from the rich and gives to the poor.
Share your thoughts.
Ross Douthat joined The New York Times as an Op-Ed columnist in April 2009. Previously, he was a senior editor at the Atlantic and a blogger for theatlantic.com. He is the author of “Privilege: Harvard and the Education of the Ruling Class” (Hyperion, 2005) and the co-author, with Reihan Salam, of “Grand New Party: How Republicans Can Win the Working Class and Save the American Dream” (Doubleday, 2008). He is the film critic for National Review.
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18 Readers' Comments
Please, please have a face off online < g >
What needs to be measured is the wealth transfers involved in taxing and providing benefits.
After reading a recent Krugman column promoting medicare-for-all, I realize I wish to distance myself as far as possible from the medicare-for-all and medicare-for-more-of-us crowds. If Krugman is a Democrat, then it is quite possible that I really am a Republican.
It is difficult for me to see how subsidizing a basic original medicare premium (part B) would be a desirable thing, since I would use the health subsidy in the legislation to buy private insurance. I am not as adaptable to "welfare class" standards as everybody else. The bare bones are too bare for me, having enjoyed company group insurance during my career as a captive and a robust reasonably priced Blue Shield policy during my years of self-employment. I would miss the seamless qualities that allowed me to use any hospital and any doctor anywhere. I would miss the benefits not covered under the bare bones medicare. I would hate having a deductible. In fact, I hate everything about every welfare program I have ever studied. I wondered if Ryan was trying to accommodate the medicare fans. I hope he is not planning to reject the subsidies for private insurance policies for those who want private insurance.
On the medicare voucher: The medicare part B deductible is not just an unnecessary hardship, it's injury. It subjects people to financial and emotional injury.
The least Congress could do is eliminate the medicare part B deductible. People obviously do not realize that patients in California must carry their receipts from one doctor's office to another to prove that they already paid their medicare part B deductible. Otherwise doctors will either refuse to serve them or make them pay it again. Some of those people do not even recall that they already paid the deductible and pay it again—so trusting it’s pitiful. These people should not have to live every day with a calculator in their hand thinking about the government that made them so dependent in the first place, robbing medicare funds without consideration. Is it so necessary to impress upon them their disdained welfare status?
There are people on medicare part B who are denied medi-gap --the disabled, which includes people who became unable to continue working prior to the age of 65 and not medicaid people. It would be ludicrous to raise medicaid to encompass these higher income spikes.
In the 900 hundred or so comments on Krugman’s column that I scanned, I could not find a single one that criticized medicare as health care. There were Krugman opponents criticizing the cost of medicare to taxpayers. There were disgruntled Democrats promoting Canadian-style universal care, the public option or single-payer billing; but not one comment that criticized medicare as health care.
Shouldn’t there have been at least one voice devoted to spitting on medicare as health care? I'm the one?
Clearly many presume that medicaid in states here or there will provide what the overlooked need. Trust me--that will never happen in California. And here’s why:
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In California, HUD housing is the biggest business engine in the state.
Unfortunately, HUD does not offer REAL HOUSING VOUCHERS. It offers VOUCHERS FOR HUD HOUSING. HUD in California is a cartel.
The longer the lists of people waiting for HUD-approved apartments, the more apartment complexes must be built (or bought and renovated) to satisfy HUD government requirements, the more deals with real estate developers must be made, the more attorneys must be paid and the more work for HUD case-workers, who monitor and control the lives of the people in HUD apartments, including how many bedrooms, if any, they or their family can occupy and who can or can’t visit them for more than two weeks. The case-workers are often lazy, petty, condescending prima donnas who love training their masses in the 300 rules. In many areas, the entire Chamber of Commerce gets in on the HUD act such that the more poor people there are, the more money the trinity (bank, fast-cash, landlord) make—all for the good of the poor.
The voucher that is needed is the real housing voucher that has no connection with HUD. It should apply to any apartment/house/condo that meets building safety standards; but that inspection function should be separate from HUD. The government should not have the ability to set rent ceilings on the dwelling a renter chooses or be concerned with whom he/she is rooming. The government should not be seeking eminent domain due to HUD housing shortages.
If people above medicaid had housing vouchers based on their income, the HUD housing waiting lists would shrink, landlords wouldn’t have to do HUD paperwork and the people could probably pay their dental bills. Their health care tax credit would be smaller, but the choice would be worth it.
Because he proposes minor increases in payments to the poorest of the poor and savagely cuts payments to everyone else he qualifies as "progressive" in your little world. In Ryan's world, as Walt Kelly observed many years ago, old people will all be equal - equal starvin.
In the mean time, it turns out that the cuts to social insurance will be used to free property income from taxation and lower tax rates for the richest.
Meanwhile those regressive payroll taxes will not be cut at all - in fact taxing health insurance will increase payroll tax revenues. But this will be "progressive" because the payments made by the middle classes into the system will be used only to pay for bare subsistence rather than financing a comfortable retirement.
And it will all reduce the deficit. Except of course if it doesn't in which case we will need to make entitlements even more "progressive".
construe such pleonasm not those who work and save for contingencies.
These don't fit the stereotypes of 'conservatives' but they actually achieve the aims of the conservatives - discouraging crime through punishment, allowing people to eat the fruit of their labors in relative freedom.
It doesn't hold water to say the tax breaks are regressive *but* the entitlement reforms are progressive, so it's a progressive plan, when the tax breaks constitute a larger portion of the plan than the entitlement reforms. If I wrote a plan which _eliminated_ both taxes and entitlement spending on upper income individuals, would that be "redistributive"?
Which brings me to the second problem with your analysis; the question of who is going to bring the budget deficit under control. Until the Republican Party honestly answers this, it is not fit to govern the country. The lower-middle to middle class can't afford to pay the bill and can't afford a current cut in their benefits. The practical solution would be to raise taxes on, and lower benefits for, the segment of the population whose incomes have gone up several times -- the top few percent -- while holding the line as best we can on benefits for everyone else. But you rationalize the Ryan plan, which lowers taxes on the very rich and purports to cover benefits for the rest. As it doesn't pass math muster even for a five-year-old, I can only assume that you've opted out of the real world altogether.
If federal law applied equally to all, bribery and corruption would be culturally unacceptable. Today the government departments collude to serve special interests with the result that the people defend themselves by tearing away pieces of their liberties to survive in an unequal society.
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