OPINIONS

Delaying justice protects no one: A response to Brandon Camhi

Justice Delayed is Justice Protected, a piece written by Brandon Camhi and published in The Stanford Review late last month, argues against the changes to Stanford’s sexual assault policy proposed by the ASSU. Among the major points raised in the article were the arguments that the ASSU reform proposal pushing for default expulsion for rapists is too harsh, and that Stanford’s Alternate Review Process is biased against the accused.

While each of these individual arguments seems to hold some truth, the article itself seems motivated by a fear of false accusations of rape. This article, while superficially claiming that “sexual assault is a terrible crime” and that “Stanford should do whatever it can to assist victims,” makes no effort itself to promote alternative solutions to what it identifies as a problem, and only superficially engages Camhi’s concerns with the existing conversations.

Camhi argues against default expulsion for students convicted of sexual assault on the grounds that “the combination of default expulsion and the low standard of proof in these cases coupled with high levels of public pressure to investigate assault significantly endangers students accused of sexual assault.”

Though Camhi no doubt wishes for punishment for rapists, the “danger” he mentions refers to the idea of false accusations, a fear that is widespread among many in our society. Why else would a Stanford student be “endangered” by pressure to investigate assault? Camhi appeals to our conception of the innocent (male) student, falsely accused by a malicious woman, who is saddled with the ultimate punishment: expulsion. False accusations, Camhi suggests, endanger Stanford students.

 

Yet, these fears are hugely overblown. 95% of college women do not report their rape victimization to police; at least 90% (a low estimate) of all reports to the police are valid. While these statistics cannot be so easily combined, it becomes apparent that the overwhelming majority of accusations of sexual assault are real and that rape is underreported. Given these numbers, Camhi’s concern with false accusations fails to correspond to the statistics surrounding the issue, or may even be motivated by other reasons. As Belknap (2010) puts it:

“Determining whether rapes are ‘real’ is intensely entangled in rape myths that blame victims, excuse rapists, and erroneously support that false rape claims are a common problem. Even recent research (Cohn, Dupuis, & Brown; Franiuk, Seefelt, Cepress, & Vandello; Norton & Grant; Orenstein) indicates that adherence to rape myths is strong and very damaging to rape victims’ experiences and decisions of whether to report to officials. For example, the media frequently portray date rape complainants as ‘lying, vindictive shrews’ and date rape defendants as ‘folk heroes— innocent boys tragically charged by vindictive women.’”

Camhi also makes an argument concerning the Alternative Review Process. Training for ARP panelists and other Stanford staff is provided by the Center for Relationship Abuse Awareness, an organization that Camhi calls “biased.” Citing information available on its website and noting that one characteristic of abusers – that they often “act persuasive and logical” – Camhi expresses his outrage over “a training system…[that] is preposterous at best.” Camhi takes one of eight listed characteristic of abusers and mistakenly concludes that ARP panelists are trained to view logic as indicative of guilt, apparently failing to read the section labelled: “How to screen for perpetrators.”

This is a groundless and almost comical assertion. In any situation where a number of symptoms or pieces of evidence contribute to a diagnosis or a conviction, it is the combination of these differing criteria that leads to a conclusion. “Loss of energy” is a symptom of depression – does that mean that after a long hike, because I feel tired, I must be depressed?

Camhi’s article hinges on the assumption that we should offer more protections to the accused. He implies that the accused are often innocent; while he states that “Stanford should take the lead in advocating for reforms…that will enable victims to pursue justice,” he seems completely unwilling to participate in these reforms, except as a dissenting voice. Challenging the status quo threatens to topple long-held gendered, institutional and systemic ideas that have historically protected the abusers and silenced the victims. For this reason, Camhi’s arguments are unconvincing. His article refuses to interact with the voices, narratives, experiences and dialogues surrounding sexual assault on campus – rather, it aims to silence and derail existing ones.

Haven’t we all had enough of that?

Contact Lily Zheng at lilyz8 ‘at’ stanford.edu.

About Lily Zheng

Lily Zheng, '17, is a columnist for The Stanford Daily. She is a Bay Area native, Social Psychology major, and co-president of the student group Kardinal Kink who loves to write about the intersections of sex, identity, gender, queerness, and activism. In her spare time, she enjoys playing first-person shooters, lounging around topless, and spending quality time with her partners. Contact her at lilyz8 'at' stanford.edu, she loves getting messages!
  • grammar police

    Zheng has a great writing voice, but her argument is flawed in the following way:

    1st: conflation of the terms “rapist” and somebody accused of sexual assault. They are different. The ASSU proposal includes expulsion for cases of sexual assault, but also repeated cases of “sexual misconduct.” What is sexual misconduct? It’s not well defined.

    2nd: conflation of the terms “convicted” and “found responsible.” Nobody is “convicted” of anything under Title Ix, they are just found to be more likely than not (50%) responsible. The point is that there is no conviction, otherwise expulsion would be a no-brainer.

    3rd: Let’s assume that the 90% statistic about legitimate claims of sexual assault is legitimate. Or let’s say that it it was 95%, for the sake of argument. What does Zheng and the draft proposal propose for those 5% of false claims? Nothing? Camhi’s point is that the proposal does not represent the interests of those mere 5%, but that we still have an obligation to provide them some modicum of rights/resources.

    The priority of sexual assault reform is preventing sexual assault and helping victims and survivors. But pieces like this simply skirt the auxiliary issues of the rights of the accused, as opposed to seriously deal with the dilemma they pose.

  • Voice of Reason

    This article does literally nothing to advance the discussion about sexual assault on campus and takes us back to what we knew before Camhi’s article: Sexual assault is bad, and we’re really ticked about it.

    Reading Camhi’s article, it seems that it is precisely because of the tendency of people like Zheng to use moral outrage as a reason for throwing caution (and standard legal procedure) to the winds that he wrote his article in the first place.

    Let’s start with Zheng’s title: “Delaying justice protects no one.” Catchy play on Camhi’s title, but is this point ever addressed or defended? Obviously, raising the standard from “a preponderance of the evidence” to “beyond a reasonable doubt” (the standard for any criminal case) does a lot to protect those accused of sexual assault. In fact, that’s exactly what’s got Zheng riled. Since the author disagrees with raising the standard, she should point out exactly how the traditional legal bias in favor of the accused is somehow irrelevant when it comes to sexual assault, or that a higher “compelling interest” can and should trump centuries of jurisprudence.

    Startling statistics on sexual assault reporting notwithstanding, the fact remains that those accused of sexual assault are only ACCUSED of sexual assault, not (necessarily or automatically) guilty of it. That’s the whole point of having an investigation and trial. If we’re going to assume “guilty until proven innocent” (which isn’t that many steps removed from Zheng’s suggestion that continuing with the lower standard and wrongly convicting 5 or 10% of those accused is the unfortunate but necessary price of administering justice), we may soon wonder why we’re bothering with a trial at all.

    Reduced to actual substance, Zheng’s argument seems to be, “Well yeah, there’s the remote possibility that the accused is innocent, but, come on…sexual assault is horrible! How dare you suggest we presume innocence or hold us to the same burden of proof as any other prosecution? Do you want to protect rapists?”

    Assuming all men and women accused of sexual assault are guilty is just as dangerous as assuming that there are slews of men and women lying about it. Let’s not trade one bad bias for another.

  • Lily Zheng

    I really appreciate your feedback and see where you’re coming from — I know that I have a lot to learn about regarding the complexity of these issues and really benefited from your comment :)

  • Justice4All

    Very well articulated response. Thank you.

  • Malena

    Lily, you’re not even trying to be objective. I’m very surprised that you have literally no clue about how ethics or a legal system should work. Since when are feminists against sex? Since when are feminist supporting a system that stigmatizes sex and allows anyone to expel somebody else just by claiming drunk sex happened? You’re allowing any person to make up a story and expel their old girlfriend. If the system is not abused right now, it will be.

    Think of your friends. When female friends are ‘caught’ having casual sex, and other girls (conservative feminists sometimes) give them the option: you are either a slut or a rape victim, what do you think they’ll choose?

    You’re inventing a new way of slut-shaming. If you had sex and now we know about it, then you have to claim rape, and expel your sex partner. Otherwise you’re a slut.

    Reconsider your thoughts with this in mind. Look around and tell me this “rape epidemic” is not just new ways of slut-shaming girls and their sex partners. Thanks

  • Malena

    Please first learn and think a little bit more carefully. Then after you really understand the topics, only then should you try to do extremist activism. Otherwise you’re:
    1) Pushing for horrible policies.

    2) Making feminism seem like a joke.

    As an example, consider the bad policy of the 51% standard of the ARP. “Most likely than not”. This policy has caused major issues. In particular in the case of Leah, but also in other cases including other colleges, this policy, along with a panel/jury of uninformed extremist feminists have lead to many wrong convictions. What this means is a person can be convicted of ‘rape’ or misbehavior even with a false accusation.
    BECAUSE of this problem, the university applies soft sanctions to these ‘convictions’ since expelling or suspending a student based on just an accusation and a biased panel/jury is ILLEGAL and stanford could face legal charges for allowing the extremist feminists to punish sex.

    In other words, when you try to apply stupid policies, the market (economics) and the existing legal system has ways to account for those stupid policies. If extremist feminists want to ban all sex on campus or simply expel everybody based on empty accusations, the legal system is there to protect the innocent.

    This explains why even though the ARP through stupid policies can “determine” that someone has “forcefully raped” someone else and still that person will not be expelled or officially suspended. It is the way the legal system works: it protects innocent people from false accusations (or without evidence).

    If you want to fix the system, first learn about it more and understand why it is the way it is. Then, for fixing the ARP, do this:

    If the ARP convicts with NO evidence or a low standard of proof, then the ARP cannot be allowed to “determine” that someone is guilty. It could STILL apply soft penalties based on the “more likely than not” standard, but it will NEVER be able to expell somebody based only on an empty accusation.

    Then, the ARP needs to have a completely different separated term for ACTUALLY likely misbehaviours (without reasonable doubt) and in that case it should expell the student.

    As it stands now, because you treat both cases in the same way (beyond reasonable doubt and more likely than not), both proven guilty and likely not guilty are going to be treated in THE SAME WAY. And thus you created a system where even if there is evidence of misbehaviour, punishment CANNOT be performed because it’s still just a 51% standard of truth.

    Making the system stupidly support your ideology is NOT fixing the system. It’s breaking it even more.