Jayvie is many things:

I'm a Maryland resident. A self-avowed WordPress Whisperer, I use it in all my projects. I take lovely photos, go to the gym a lot, and opine strongly over design, aesthetics, and politics. I'm a heavy Twitter user, a moderate Flickr participant and in my spare time I help people at the SemperFi WP Support forums. Read more about me. I'm also speaking at WordCamp Raleigh:
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Memories of Holy Week in The Philippines

Growing up, the most different week off from school was “Holy Week,” which started on Palm Sunday and ended on Easter Sunday. Back in the early 80s, the nation starts shutting down as early as Palm Sunday, as some businesses close and people prepare for a trip to their rural homes. By Maundy Thursday most people in Manila with roots in “the provinces” (sa probinsya), or more accurately, in rural areas, have made their pilgrimages and are usually spending the hot summer days leading up to Easter in quiet observation of these religious holidays.

Not that anyone is really spending the weekend in grave mortification. There are ways around the sheer boredom and proscriptions against conducting business. In Pampanga, where I came from, kids played in street. Deprived of regular television viewing except for religious-oriented films such as The Ten Commandments, we had to get creative with what we did. Video games in my household were forbidden during this time. When I was tired, I would read.

I would go to the makeshift chapels where they would read the Pasyon (an extended narrative poem about the life and times of Jesus Christ). These were centers for activity. The prayerful would spend most of the time there. Outside, children would frolic while their parents prayed and gossiped. Penitents—anonymous in their faces covered with cloth and dragging large wooden crosses the way Christ has been depicted—would visit a chapel for a small drink of water and a ceremonial whipping at its floor, in front of the altar. Equally anonymous flagellants—their backs intentionally and shallowly wounded for the visual effect of blood that the cat o’ nine tails can’t draw—would walk the streets. As a youngster I never understood why these people would silently re-enact the suffering of Christ, some, all the way to a crucifixion—modified for non-lethal effect—on Good Friday. The practice bewilders non-Filipinos, and every now and then I have to explain, without myself being a participant, why it’s done.

While gory theatre they may be, it is still theatre. The Good Friday crucifixions performed in Pampanga are mere shadows of the real Roman crucifixions. But why subject oneself to even the shadow of that pain? Why would a woman go through this fourteen times, despite the objections of the diocese? The priesthood discourages the practice but really cannot forbid it, because these penitents are doing something that so many religions teach in one form or another: rejection of the Flesh, ahorrence of pleasure—suffering, pain, discomfort and sacrifice—which lead to an altered state of consciousness. Starvation led the prophets of old to great insight. Psychoactive drugs were used by others to see into a truth obscured by daily living. The penitents who have themselves crucified suffer as a matter of choice because—at least for the truly penitent—they feel the weight of their sins on their consciences. This clarity, this insight earned through pain and suffering, can be so stark that it leads people to want more. It’s just like a drug. It starts with bearing that cross that first time. Then it just escalates.

Alas, growing up, the practice has changed a little. It used to be that the crucified penitents were shrouded as they stayed up there. Now, it looks like their faces are out for people to see. There’s an element of theatre and recognition that mars the solemnity and casts doubts of the sincerity of such an act.

What does ritual mortification have to do with modern, American life? I grew up in a slightly more comfortable environment than my two siblings, who were born ten and nine years before me. I never knew true hunger, never knew true suffering. My mother saw to that. Personal difficulties are not worth nothing, even if compared against the hardships of others. It is when we are faced with the gravest of problems that we are challenged to be at our best. We may not bear wooden crosses, but we have challenges ahead of us.

Here in the States, Good Friday is yet another workday for so many in the private sector. Easter has become a secular holiday—well, what else is new—emblemized by a mythical rabbit, colored eggs and plenty of candy. Just like Christmas, the religious background goes backstage. This is America, right? But honestly, I’m not really mourning the way Americans celebrate Easter, for as long as it’s a holiday well-spent and not wasted, to be with family and friends. I really can’t say you guys are missing the point, but boy are you guys missing out.

On David Frum and the American Enterprise Institute

David Frum, Neoconservative speechwriter for our Neoconservative (and yes, decent human being) former president George W. Bush, was let go from the American Enterprise Institute today. He is one of the Conservatives the Right loves to hate, but I won’t indulge that author’s fantasies of pundit life in Washington (since there is no proof such events actually happen). Remember what I always reinforce on this here blog: I’m a Conservative ideologue, not a Republican partisan. So, when I say this, I say it with no malice: he didn’t quite belong at AEI anymore.

Bruce Bartlett touches on something interesting (oh and by the way would you look at the original title of that post based on the URL):

Since, he is no longer affiliated with AEI, I feel free to say publicly something he told me in private a few months ago. He asked if I had noticed any comments by AEI “scholars” on the subject of health care reform. I said no and he said that was because they had been ordered not to speak to the media because they agreed with too much of what Obama was trying to do.

It saddened me to hear this. I have always hoped that my experience was unique. But now I see that I was just the first to suffer from a closing of the conservative mind. Rigid conformity is being enforced, no dissent is allowed, and the conservative brain will slowly shrivel into dementia if it hasn’t already.

First of all, Bruce, AEI is an ideological think tank, which means that it aims to produce ideas that reinforce and promote Conservative thought. It’s not intolernace of dissent that informs the gag order on the AEI “scholars,” it’s that our president’s ideas are diametrically opposed to the goals of an institution like AEI. The goal for AEI’s “scholars” is to produce Conservative solutions for existing problems, not propose and promote Liberalism-lite.

More from the same article:

Sadly, there is no place for David and me to go. The donor community is only interested in financing organizations that parrot the party line, such as the one recently established by McCain economic adviser Doug Holtz-Eakin.

I also believe there needs to be a fine line between partisanship and ideology and that when that line blurs, Conservatives are on the losing end. Republicans were partisan in licensing the Liberal policies of George W. Bush, and look where that got us. So I am a little worried about for AEI when—assuming Bartlett’s anecdotes are true—donors become partisan, of course, the Institute has to make its choices based on the flow of money, which remains the lifeblood of any organization.

If Bartlett and Frum are smart at politics, they should try to introduce Conservatism to Democrats the way they introduced Liberalism to Republicans. They should try, but seeing how Republicans have fared following their advice, Democrats know well not to trust them. Yes, they have nowhere else to go.

On individual mandates and revanchism

A common warning about Obamacare and its individual mandate is that if the government can force private citizens to purchase private insurance it can force citizens to purchase other goods and services. A common sophism is that people are required to purchase auto insurance if they wish to drive a car. Except, no one is required to own and drive a car. It’s convenient, and it allows us to traverse great distances, but no one is mandated to own and drive a car.

Warnings aside, there’s little focus on what happens once the tables turn. There is no final victory in politics. I hope the politicians who are forcing us to spend money against our will remember that. It’s bad enough they exempt themselves from the policies they impose upon everyone, but how will they fare when they return to private life? Instead of warning our fellow citizens about the other things we shall be forced to purchase, why isn’t the current political minority salivating at the idea of abusing this against them?

The answer is that we, as Americans, have an aversion to political revanchism.

Third-world governments are famous for revanchist politics; the Philippines is no stranger to this practice. Each regime is fixated on the previous. The sentiment is that there can be no unity nor healing until the misdeeds of those who have left power are punished. Hyperbole, yes, but a person can be president one year and a political exile the next.

That’s just not how we do things in the USA, but in 2006 a seemingly vindictive Democrat-controlled Congress took power. In the years leading to that electoral rout, they did well to highlight the inconsistencies and follies of the Republican party. They even strengthened their majority in 2008. No matter what George W. Bush did to yield to the political minority between 2001 and 2005, and despite yielding further ground after Pelosi took the House, the Democrats wasted no time destroying him.

Something changed after our current president’s election. Normally, transitions of power between opposing parties lead to dismantling of policies. Gingrich’s Contract With America, aimed to stop Clinton’s leftward policies in its tracks. But in 2009, Democrats took a different turn: Pelosi intimated towards revanchist trials against Bush officials, including John Yoo. This was a sign they viewed the previous government as criminal, and it’s very disturbing.

I don’t think Democrats should share their power. I wasn’t a fan of them when they kept on begging for bipartisanship in the Bush years, and you won’t hear me beg for a share of power now. But consider how the election of Sen. Scott Brown was received by the Democrats. His election was a response to the policies they were railroading, and they went with it anyway. The next step, of course, is to hold them accountable for their own policies.

Are we fixated on vengeance?

Two awesome questions were posed to me today. First, I was asked by Technosailor why I oppose a $5000 tax credit to employers who hire those who have been unemployed, and whether I oppose Democrats out of spite. I do neither. I am an ideological nut, not a partisan one, and I’m not afraid to support Conservative Democrats who unlike Bart Stupak are actually willing to Do A Conservative Thing™. Anyone remember Governor Sarah Palin? Her high approval ratings were a result of cooperation with Democrats and Republicans. With their help, she provided much progress for the state while keeping focus on better governance and not on the political enemies she defeated.

The second question was by Joe Marier (whose twitter account is private, else I’d link to it): “can good governance overcome a culture opposed to it?” A similar point was made months ago in a quick Twitter exchange with Conor Friedersdorf, at the end of which he said (I paraphrase) that the point of politics is good governance, not winning against your opponent.

Can it overcome? The better question is, should it? I believe in Paine’s dictum that the government that governs least, governs best: not just on the scale of the Federal government versus the states, but between state governments and their residents. Since I am a conservative, I believe that the culture that opposes self-professed “good” governance is the culture that recognizes excessive governance. So as a response to Conor’s assertion, the point of Conservative politics is to allow for good self-governance by keeping as few statists in office as possible.

For all my fiery talk of keeping the American Left out of power, I have no desire to see these people criminally punished. I want them out of power, because their policies tend to be hurtful, shortsighted and naive. The ideal outcomes they propose come at incredulous cost. The policies have to be stopped; their ideas, discredited. That is all I aim for.

Nothing is set in stone.

I won’t discuss the prospects of repeal tonight, but consider Moe Lane, and this short list of things we were told we couldn’t do. No government entitlement program is permanent, nor is it an unmitigated good. One day there will be those who will have to tackle the prospect of ending the Medicare program as we know it, or face exponentially growing cost at the expense of our military spending and national defense. We can keep postponing his return, but one day we will have to pay the piper.

First thoughts on Obamacare

May it never be said that my blog’s silence on the matter of the Democrat-led healthcare travesty is a sign of apathy. I have spent much time on Twitter, doing what I can from behind my screen and beyond, to help turn the tide against what we now call Obamacare. It passed on Sunday night, 219-212, and the boy-king signed it into law today. Thirty-four democrats voted against the bill, most likely with the permission of Speaker Pelosi, so they may return to their districts insulated (albeit slightly) from the ire of their constituents. Both sides are weary from battle; I am no different. After spending much time calling Representatives far and wide, engaging Liberals publicly to help expose their sophistry, and other efforts, I need to rest a little: to salve my wounds, regain my strength, and return swinging.

This will not be my only post on Obamacare. The fight continues, and my thoughts would be best served like small meals. The main point for the day: We didn’t lose because of our refusal to yield. After all, They Have The Votes™ and will do as they please. Pelosi, Reid, the boy-king, and all their subjects met with willful ignorance and cognitive dissonance all applications of game theory, all appeals to self-interest, all data presented to them.

What we call Obamacare is less Progressive than what their ideologues prefer: we didn’t (yet) get the so-called disastrous Public Option, because they still have incrementalists who desire re-election.

I worry that Pelosi’s victory could have changed the legislative landscape permanently as a result. I worry that they will be emboldened in victory. As Louise Slaughter boldly proclaimed: There is nothing now that we can’t tackle. Liberals might believe that they can push the most Progressive of agendas despite the disagreement of the people.

I am torn: to give Democrats license to abuse their majority would be to allow them to self-destruct, at the expense of damaging legislation undermining our economic and national security. They have expressed little desire to accept our ideas such as tort reform, or a phasing-out of unsustainable entitlements. They treat these as sacrosanct, and our citizenry is, with each and within each generation, quickly learning a set of values different from what made this country great in the first place.

My first ever Lego set: the Guggenheim Museum

When I was young, Legos came in the form of boxes of random, mixed-up blocks: cast-offs from more well-to-do kids who got tired of them. I never had enough parts to complete whatever the pictures showed, so I took liberties with them and just made up whatever I thought I could. Tonight, a friend bought me my first ever Lego set, one from the Architecture series: the Guggenheim Museum, designed by Frank Lloyd Wright. Some photos:

The project, new in box Partially complete Done, and on the box My very own miniature Lego version of the Guggenheim!

I took my time working on this. It’s been a while since I’ve approached something with such childlike wonder. Tonight I had fun.

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