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Nov 23rd, 2011
Posted by Emma Andersson, Criminal Law Reform Project at 3:21pm

Obama's Commutation: A Prelude to Systemic Reform?

There are hundreds of thousands of Americans serving outrageously long prison sentences for nonviolent drug offenses as a result of our nation’s widely discredited and inhumane "war on drugs." On Tuesday night, President Obama did something he had not yet done as president — he commuted someone's prison term. While we applaud President Obama’s decision to allow Eugenia Marie Jennings, a mother of three suffering from cancer who has served 10 years of her 22-year sentence for selling 13.9 grams of crack cocaine, to return to her family 12 years earlier than she otherwise would have, we hope this stands not as a mere isolated gesture of generosity but rather marks the beginning of an enduring, fundamental change in the president’s systemic approach to drug policy.

We have commended the president for his role in the passage of the Fair Sentencing Act, which reduced the crack to powder cocaine sentencing disparity from 100-to-1 to 18-to-1. But much more reform is still needed. Indeed, many nonviolent drug offenders — including Ms. Jennings — do not benefit from the newly reduced disparity. And even those who do benefit still receive a sentence that is disproportionately harsh and that disproportionately affects African-Americans.

Furthermore, while Ms. Jennings likely caught the president’s attention because of her particularly sympathetic story, strong legal team and a supportive United States senator, there are so many more like Ms. Jennings who don’t have such powerful advocates and yet are no less deserving of the president’s mercy. With hundreds of thousands of nonviolent drug offending Americans behind bars, sporadic commutations aren’t nearly enough to solve the nation’s current incarceration crisis or prevent us from perpetuating the unjust “war on drugs” in future generations.

As we prepare to celebrate Thanksgiving, we are heartened to see the president exercising his remarkable pardon power for the benefit of nonviolent people — the casualties of a 40-year “war” during which we’ve torn families apart, and through which we’ve sustained our nation’s shameful tradition of subordinating poor communities of color. But when we gather around the table next year to give thanks, we hope to be commending the president for moving beyond the all-too-rare commutation to having taken a firm stand to end our failed and racist drug war.

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Tags: commutation, crack sentencing, drug sentencing, overincarceration, sentencing disparity, sentencing reform

Nov 18th, 2011
Posted by Rebecca McCray, Criminal Law Reform Project at 1:47pm

Breaking the Addiction to Incarceration: Weekly Highlights

Today, the U.S. has the highest incarceration rate of any country in the world. With over 2.3 million men and women living behind bars, our imprisonment rate is the highest it’s ever been in U.S. history. And yet, our criminal justice system has failed on every count: public safety, fairness and cost-effectiveness. Across the country, the criminal justice reform conversation is heating up. Each week, we feature our some of the most exciting and relevant news in overincarceration discourse that we’ve spotted from the previous week. Check back weekly for our top picks.

New Orleans To Give Early Parole to Low-Risk Offenders
With the highest incarceration rate in the United States, Louisiana had no choice but to make some changes to its criminal justice system. Recently, lawmakers passed a bill that will make some offenders eligible for parole earlier in their sentences.

Editorial: A Blue-Ribbon Indictment
This editorial addresses the United States Sentencing Commission’s report on federal mandatory minimum sentencing, calling for Congress to rescind all such sentences. The report highlighted the severity, inconsistency, and racial disparity found in mandatory minimum sentencing.

Study: Black, Asian kids less likely to abuse drugs
According to a new study, drug abuse is more prevalent among white youth than African-American or Asian adolescents. These findings from Duke University call into question the trends of racial disparity found in drug arrests, and challenge the commonly held misconceptions that some use to support such trends.

New Hampshire: Low crime rate, but high rate for incarcerating minorities
New Hampshire boasts admirably low rates of some kinds of violent and property crimes, but that’s only one side of the coin. Unfortunately, the state still incarcerates a disproportionate number of Hispanics and African-Americans, according to the Sentencing Project.

Jailed at 13: Missouri juvenile spent more than two years in adult jails
What is it like to be locked up with adults as a child? One formerly incarcerated young man shares his story here.

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Tags: overincarceration, overincarceration clips

Nov 17th, 2011
Posted by Dan Zeidman, Washington Legislative Office at 5:57pm

Assistant Attorney General Lanny Breuer Gets It (Half) Right

Assistant Attorney General Lanny Breuer has a lot to say on our country’s criminal system – some good, some bad.

That was clear from a speech he made Tuesday to the American Lawyer/National Law Journal Summit that discussed the serious challenges facing sentencing and corrections policy in the United States. In his remarks, Breuer raised concerns about how we help formerly incarcerated individuals become productive members of society, as well as what he understands to be disparities in how people are sentenced in the federal system.

First and foremost, AAG Breuer is entirely correct when he says that a person’s story is not finished once he or she is sentenced to prison. Simply locking people up and forgetting about them is both immoral and irresponsible. In order to keep our communities safe and reduce crime, we must provide incarcerated individuals with the tools to turn their lives around once they are released.

As Attorney General Eric Holder put it, “We must use every tool at our disposal to tear down the unnecessary barriers to economic opportunities and independence so that formerly incarcerated individuals can serve as productive members of their communities.”

It was this belief that led Congress to pass the Second Chance Act in 2008, which provides funding for employment assistance, substance abuse treatment, mentoring, victims support and other services geared at reducing recidivism. Unfortunately, our current fiscal situation has put all government spending on the chopping block – including the Second Chance Act. Nonetheless, the ACLU is pleased to hear that the Justice Department considers Second Chance Act programs to be succeeding and hopes the Department will urge Congress to continue fully funding these indispensable initiatives.

While AAG’s Breuer’s comments about the need for robust re-entry programs are very encouraging, he went on to make a problematic assertion: that sentencing disparities have increased since the Supreme Court’s decisions in U.S. v. Booker and Gall v. U.S., which ended mandatory sentencing and implemented an advisory guideline system. Although the ACLU and others have already addressed the flaws contained in this belief, it appears to have turned into a zombie claim that keeps coming back from the dead.

The truth is, while racial disparities are rife in our criminal justice system, the change from mandatory to advisory sentencing guidelines is not a contributor to this deeply troubling reality.

The source of this confusion is a March 2010 report by the U.S. Sentencing Commission, which showed an increase in sentencing differences between black and white male offenders between 2005 and 2009 (the period following the implementation of our current advisory sentencing system). But this assertion is misleading: in fact, the Commissions’ report conceded that under a more expansive analysis spanning between 1999 and 2009, the greatest difference in the length of sentences between black and white offenders occurred in 1999, when sentencing was mandatory. And further, researchers at Pennsylvania State University analyzed the Commission’s data sets with different methodology and found “racial and gender sentence length disparities are less today, under advisory Guidelines, than they were when the Guidelines were arguably their most rigid and constraining.”

Despite his misguided assertion about sentencing disparities, AAG Breuer’s statement is an essential part of an important and ongoing dialogue. With ballooning prison populations and shrinking budgets, now is the time for serious thought about how we sentence individuals and how we treat those people once they are sentenced.

If we want to reduce recidivism, ensure public safety and give those who are incarcerated the opportunity for redemption, we must continue funding the Second Chance Act and similar rehabilitation and education initiatives. If we want to reduce the uncontrollable cost of incarceration, we cannot go back to the days when judges had no discretion in how long a sentence a person would receive in their courtroom.

CORRECTION: A previous version of this post stated that AAG Breuer gave the speech on Wednesday. That was in correct. It was Tuesday.

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Tags: Lanny Breuer, sentencing disparity, U.S. Sentencing Commission

Nov 15th, 2011
Posted by Rebecca McCray, Criminal Law Reform Project at 12:36pm

Lying to Eat

People lie for lots of reasons. We fabricate little stories to protect the feelings of friends, exclude details for the sake of convenience, and occasionally tell destructive tales to conceal our more sizeable missteps. Dishonesty, in its various incarnations, is not an admirable trait. But in moments of desperation, a lie can seem like the only option. Anita McLemore, a Mississippi mother of two, faced one of those unfortunate moments when filling out her application for food stamps — and now she’ll pay the price, by spending three years of her life behind bars in federal prison.

Thanks to a federal ban on food stamps for people with felony drug convictions, people like McLemore are out of luck when it comes to getting assistance with putting food on their tables. Though states can opt out of the ban, those that don’t (like Mississsippi) deny food stamps even to individuals who have already served their sentences or overcome previous addictions. It’s true that McLemore’s past isn’t perfect — she has four felony drug convictions and one misdemeanor, which place her firmly in the category of people the federal government has declared unfit to receive public benefits. Hence, faced with the prospect of being unable to feed her family, McLemore lied on her application.

While it makes sense that the government doesn’t condone drug use, it’s difficult to understand how a three-year stint in prison could be an effective way to respond to a woman with a history of substance abuse who is struggling to feed herself and her children. U.S. District Judge Henry Wingate looked at McLemore’s record and chose to see a repeat offender who lied and needed to be punished, rather than interpreting that lie as a cry for help. Effective, individualized treatment, not incarceration, would have been a more appropriate response to McLemore’s predicament.

Until we respond to situations like McLemore’s with a helping hand, rather than severe punishment and federal roadblocks, it is unrealistic to expect the cycle of addiction — and conduct that feeds that addiction — to be interrupted any time soon. No one would willingly choose a life in which lying to seek public assistance is the only way to support one’s family. Unfortunately, some of us have been left without a choice.

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Tags: Mississippi, overincarceration

Nov 4th, 2011
Posted by Rebecca McCray, Center for Justice at 12:55pm

Breaking the Addiction to Incarceration: Weekly Highlights

Today, the U.S. has the highest incarceration rate of any country in the world. With over 2.3 million men and women living behind bars, our imprisonment rate is the highest it’s ever been in U.S. history. And yet, our criminal justice system has failed on every count: public safety, fairness and cost-effectiveness. Across the country, the criminal justice reform conversation is heating up. Each week, we feature our some of the most exciting and relevant news in overincarceration discourse that we’ve spotted from the previous week. Check back weekly for our top picks.

New ACLU Report on Dangers of Private Prisons
This week, the ACLU National Prison Project released Banking on Bondage: Private Prisons and Mass Incarceration, which provides a comprehensive analysis of the destructive impact of prison privatization. As the report underscores, now is the time for serious criminal justice reform, not privatization schemes.

  • Read the report, along with the press release and a blog post by author David Shapiro. Shapiro also penned this op-ed for CNBC.com.
  • Hear about our work to improve the horrific conditions at the privately-owned Idaho Correctional Center in this CNBC documentary about the business of for-profit prisons that aired last month.
  • Read our blog series exploring the connected issues of private prisons, immigration detention and mass incarceration.
  • Watch ACLU Executive Director Anthony Romero describe our work to fight the widespread and rampant abuse of immigration detainees, many of whom are held in private prisons, in this episode of PBS Frontline and read a Los Angeles Times story about our lawsuit on behalf of some of the victims.
  • Visit our interactive map documenting this widespread abuse.

Senate Drops the Ball on Crime Commission Amendment
Despite our efforts, the Senate failed to adopt (by 3 votes) an important amendment last month that would have created a bipartisan commission to study our criminal justice system and suggest reforms. On Tuesday, Senator Jim Webb (D-VA) issued a harsh recrimination of Senate Republicans for this failure. This piece in the Atlantic highlights the ACLU’s support of the proposal, and you can read Senator Webb’s statement here. Read ACLU Legislative Counsel Jennifer Bellamy’s blog about the amendment.

Retroactive Reduction in Sentencing Disparities
Years of ACLU advocacy to eliminate the crack-cocaine sentencing disparity paid off last year with the passage of the federal Fair Sentencing Act. Retroactive application of the new guidelines began this week, and now ACLU client Hamedah Hasan and more than 12,000 others unfairly sentenced under the old guidelines will have the opportunity to have their sentences for crack cocaine offenses reviewed by a federal judge and possibly reduced. Listen to ACLU Senior Legislative Counsel Jesselyn McCurdy discuss the story in this NPR piece, which aired this week.

Fighting Mandatory Drug Testing
The ACLU has been leading the charge to challenge a disturbing national trend: mandatory drug testing of public college students and the poor. The ACLU’s Criminal Law Reform Project and ACLU of Eastern Missouri filed suit in Missouri to arguing that Linn State Technical College’s drug testing of all students violated the Fourth Amendment. Taking swift action, a federal district court judge granted a preliminary injunction to temporarily halt the unconstitutional policy. Read this blog post about the victory, and this story from the AP. The ACLU of Florida filed suit challenging the state’s forced drug testing of applicants for temporary cash assistance (TANF). Last week, a judge in Florida has halted enforcement of this unconstitutional policy. Read ACLU of Florida’s Maria Kayanan’s blog post about the victory and the press release. Read Rachel Bloom’s blog post about the drug testing trend and further coverage in the New York Times.

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Tags: overincarceration, overincarceration clips

Nov 2nd, 2011
Posted by David Shapiro, National Prison Project at 12:47pm

Stop For-Profit Prisons

Today, the ACLU releases Banking on Bondage: Private Prisons and Mass Incarceration, an in-depth examination of the private prison industry.The report finds that mass incarceration provides a gigantic windfall for one special interest group – the private prison industry – even as current incarceration levels harm the country as a whole.

While the nation’s unprecedented rate of imprisonment deprives individuals of freedom, wrests loved ones from their families, and drains the resources of governments, communities, and taxpayers, the private prison industry is expanding at an exponential rate, holding ever more people in its prisons and jails, and generating massive profits. Private prisons for adults were virtually non-existent until the early 1980s, but the number of prisoners in private prisons increased by approximately 1,600 percent between 1990 and 2009.In 2010, the two largest private prison companies alone received nearly $3 billion in revenue.

As detailed in the report, this year advocates of for-profit prisons trotted out privatization schemes as a supposed answer to budgetary woes in numerous states, including Arizona, Florida, Ohio, and Louisiana. But the evidence that private prisons provide savings compared to publicly operated facilities is highly questionable, and certain studies point to worse conditions in for-profit facilities.

Now is the time for serious criminal justice reform, not privatization schemes. The private prison industry feeds off the mass incarceration problem and cannot be part of the solution. The only real way to cut prison spending is to cut the number of people we keep in prison.

To learn more, listen to this new podcast with private prisons expert Alex Friedmann, then go here to read more about the ACLU’s work to end reliance on private prisons.

Want to help? Go here to take action!

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Tags: overincarceration, prison privatization, private prisons

Nov 1st, 2011
Posted by Jesselyn McCurdy, Washington Legislative Office at 2:11pm

Chance at Freedom: Retroactive Crack Sentence Reductions For Up to 12,000 May Begin Today

Today, Hamedah Hasan can finally apply for her freedom.

Hamedah has been locked up for 18 years serving a prison sentence she never deserved.

When she was 21 years old, she and her two daughters escaped an abusive relationship to live with her cousin. Feeling indebted to this cousin, who was involved in dealing crack cocaine, she agreed to run various errands and transfer money. Though Hamedah never used drugs herself, she was later indicted and convicted for conspiracy to distribute crack cocaine. Despite a previously clean record, the judge had no choice but to issue a life sentence, due to mandatory minimums for crack cocaine and the mandatory sentencing guidelines then on the books.

Hamedah's sentence was later reduced to 27 years. Had she been convicted of an offense involving powder as opposed to crack cocaine, she would never have faced such a harsh penalty. — at the time of her sentencing, the disparity between sentences for crack and powder cocaine was 100-to-1.

Since Hamedah's sentencing, things have changed for the better. Last year, Congress took a major step toward ensuring fairness in the criminal justice system by passing the Fair Sentencing Act (FSA), which reduced racial disparities caused by draconian crack cocaine sentencing laws.

The FSA made two major changes to federal sentencing law: first, it decreased the disparity between the mandatory minimum sentences for certain quantities of crack and powder cocaine to 18-to-1 by lowering crack sentences; and second, it eliminated the mandatory minimum for simple possession of crack cocaine.

The U.S. Sentencing Commission then decided to apply the sentencing guidelines under the FSA retroactively. That means beginning today, those who were given an unfairly harsh sentence for crack possession under the old law can now apply for sentence reductions under the new guidelines.

Hamedah will be one of more than 12,000 people — 85 percent of whom are African-American — who will have the opportunity to have their sentences for crack cocaine offenses reviewed by a federal judge and possibly reduced.

This is important not only for the many unjust personal stories like Hamedah's, it's also a huge victory in reducing racial disparities and restoring confidence in the criminal justice system. For years, the harsher penalties for crack versus powder disproportionately impacted African-Americans.

The U.S. Sentencing Commission has done its part to ensure the sentencing guidelines apply retroactively, and the FSA will go a long way in fixing this longstanding injustice in the future.

But more is needed from Congress to ensure that the entire statute applies retroactively and more people serving unfair sentences under the old law can benefit from lower minimum sentences under FSA.

A new bill, the Fair Sentencing Clarification Act of 2011, would do just that. You can help: take action by calling on your member of Congress to support the Fair Sentencing Clarification Act of 2011 now. Without it, many of those who were harshly punished under the old crack cocaine law won't have the opportunity for relief, and an unmistakable inequality in the system will persist.

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Tags: crack sentencing, drug sentencing, Fair Sentencing Act, Hamedah Hasan, sentencing disparity, sentencing reform, U.S. Sentencing Commission

Oct 31st, 2011
Posted by Rebecca McCray, Center for Justice at 4:20pm

Breaking the Addiction to Incarceration: Weekly Highlights

Today, the U.S. has the highest incarceration rate of any country in the world. With over 2.3 million men and women living behind bars, our imprisonment rate is the highest it’s ever been in U.S. history. And yet, our criminal justice system has failed on every count: public safety, fairness and cost-effectiveness. Across the country, the criminal justice reform conversation is heating up. Each week, we feature our some of the most exciting and relevant news in overincarceration discourse that we’ve spotted from the previous week. Check back weekly for our top picks.

Falling Crime, Teeming Prisons
Senate Republicans recently voted down the National Criminal Justice Commission Act, a bill that would have created a much-needed bipartisan coalition to review our criminal justice system and propose recommendations for reform. This editorial calls for senatorial support of the commission, citing many of the alarming facts about the devastating effects of overincarceration in our country.

State budget cuts clog criminal justice system
Budget cuts to state criminal justice systems across the country have had their reform-friendly advantages, but fiscal austerity when it comes to our justice system has its downfalls, too. As this article explains, severe cuts to courts, public defenders, district attorneys and attorney general offices are causing frustration across the country.

Georgia: We cannot maintain a ‘just lock them up’ mentality
This op-ed from Macon, Georgia, discusses the downside to the Telegraph editorial board’s suggestion that their city should build more jail space. The author questions the city’s ability to afford such an expensive undertaking, and dispels the myth that incarcerating more people makes communities safer.

California Jail expansion: Counties seek millions from state
As California’s realignment plan kicks into gear, counties are eager to secure funding from the state for jail expansion. Many opponents to this plan argue the expansion of jails will merely discourage prosecutors and police from taking a creative approach to seeking alternatives to incarceration.

Review: Crimes, Courts and Cures
William J. Stuntz’s new book, “The Collapse of American Criminal Justice,” discusses the complicated relationship between our “lock‘em up” attitude and rates of crime. This review examines the ground covered by the book.

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Tags: California, Georgia, overincarceration, overincarceration clips, William J. Stuntz

Oct 26th, 2011
Posted by Rebecca McCray, Criminal Law Reform Project at 2:40pm

Check Your Constitutional Rights at the Classroom Door? Not on Our Watch.

The ruling is in: Linn State Technical College’s mandatory drug-testing policy is patently unconstitutional, and will not stand. After a seven-hour hearing Tuesday, Judge Nanette K. Laughrey of the Western District of Missouri granted our preliminary injunction against the public school, blocking any further drug testing or analysis of urine samples already taken from students. We are thrilled to share this victory with our brave plaintiffs and their peers, who stood up to the school officials who attempted to blindside their constitutionally protected right to privacy.

As we wrote last month, the school had implemented mandatory, suspicionless drug-testing of all incoming students, as well as students who were returning to school after an extended absence. The policy came with little warning and a $50 price tag per test – paid by the students. In implementing the policy, Linn State sought foolishly to go where no public college had gone before – and where we hope none will go in the future, thanks to the judge’s ruling. Explaining her rationale for granting the preliminary injunction, Judge Laughrey referenced all of our key arguments against the policy, ultimately agreeing that it violated the students’ Fourth Amendment rights and was overbroad in its scope, impacting all students rather than a specific subset whose class work might involve heavy machinery.

This decision comes on the heels of another drug-testing related triumph – on Monday, a district court judge in Florida ruled against a new law mandating drug tests for all applicants to the state’s Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program, similarly finding the law violated the Fourth Amendment rights of recipients of public assistance. It’s our hope that this week’s one-two punch of rulings against suspicionless drug-testing will serve as a reminder to law and policy makers in states across the country who may be considering similar moves.

Students who attend public institutions do not check their constitutional rights at the door when they walk into the classroom or write a tuition check, and neither do poor families who apply for public assistance. For the powers that be to suggest otherwise is an abomination that should deeply trouble us all. Thankfully, we have the law on our side.

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Tags: Florida, Linn State Technical College, Missouri

Oct 25th, 2011
Posted by Maria Kayanan, ACLU of Florida at 5:07pm

Victory in Florida: No Illegal Drug Testing For Welfare

On Monday we got some great news in Florida: following an ACLU lawsuit, the state will no longer be allowed to make people applying for Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) take a drug test in order to get the assistance they need.

A month ago, four-year-old Jordan Lebron sat in a courtroom in Florida for three hours, quietly coloring and playing with toy cars while his father, Luis, sat with us at counsel table watching and listening to the judge's questions and the lawyers' answers.

Luis, 35, is a U.S. Navy veteran and a single father who fought to establish paternity of his son. He goes to college full-time and cares for his disabled mother. Recently, his veterans' benefits ran out; he was living day to day on student loans and grants, teetering on the brink of poverty, so he asked the state of Florida for a helping hand and qualified for food stamps and Medicaid.

Luis also qualified for TANF, but there was a catch.

Under a new Florida law, Luis had to pay for and pass a drug test before he could get TANF. He would have to give a sample of his urine to a lab and acknowledge that the state would share any negative results with Florida's Child Abuse Hotline. Luis knew he'd test negative because he doesn't use illegal drugs, but that wasn't the point: he also knew that he shouldn't have to submit to an invasive search to prove it.

Luis had seen a news story about the drug testing where the reporter mentioned that the ACLU of Florida believed, as he did, that the law mandating drug tests were unconstitutional. So he picked up the phone and within a week the ACLU of Florida filed suit on his behalf.

During a break in that three-hour hearing last month, while Jordan climbed up on his father's lap, I told Luis how unusual it was for a four-year-old to sit quietly for so long. Luis smiled and answered, "He's used to going to church with me."

I could see how Jordan made the connection to church. There was the judge in her black robe, sitting higher up than any of us. Jordan listened to the call and response — the Judge's questions, our answers. It wasn't church of course — it was a courtroom — a house of law as opposed to religion.

Jordan didn't know that his father, the other ACLU lawyers and I were there for him — asking the court to protect everyone's rights, including his.

Yesterday, four weeks after the hearing in which Jordan sat so patiently, an email from the federal court's electronic filing system popped up in my inbox. A click on the link led to the court's 37-page opinion, a comprehensive affirmation of core Fourth Amendment values that Luis Lebron has the right to be free from unreasonable government searches.

The court reaffirmed that testing urine for drugs is a search, that application for a public benefit cannot depend on an unconstitutional condition, and that the state of Florida had fallen woefully short of establishing any need to conduct suspicionless testing.

The judge's order also chastised the Florida legislature for failing to heed lessons it should have learned in a state-commissioned pilot study of TANF recipients in Florida: they are no more likely to use illegal drugs than the population at large.

The ugly stereotypes that warp public perception of welfare recipients have no basis in fact or science. Those who need help are no different than you or me. They are not children of a lesser god, exiled to a Fourth-Amendment-free zone to be treated like suspected criminals.

If you'd ever had the pleasure of meeting Luis Lebron or Jordan, you'd know that already.

Today, thanks to Jordan's dad, the drug testing information is gone from the temporary assistance website and Luis and Jordan Lebron have officially been deemed eligible for the temporary help they need.

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Tags: drug testing, Florida, welfare

 

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