Greater Albania
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The term Greater Albania[2] or Great Albania refers to an irredentist concept of lands outside the borders of the Republic of Albania which are considered part of a greater national homeland by some Albanians, based on the present-day or historical presence of Albanian populations in those areas. The term incorporates claims to Kosovo, as well as territories in the neighbouring countries Montenegro, Greece and the Republic of Macedonia. The unification of these lands was theoretically conceived by the League of Prizren, an organization of the 19th century whose goal was to unify these lands into one single autonomous state.[3] However, the concept of a Greater Albania was temporarily achieved only under the Italian and Nazi German occupation of the country during World War II.[4]
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[edit] Albanians under Ottoman Turkey
Prior to the Balkan wars of the beginning of the 20th century, Albanians were subjects of the Ottoman Empire. The Albanian independence movement emerged in 1878 with the League of Prizren (a council based in Kosovo) whose goal was cultural and political autonomy for ethnic Albanians inside the framework of the Ottoman Empire. However, the Ottomans were not prepared to grant The League's demands. Ottoman opposition to the League's cultural goals eventually helped transform it into an Albanian national movement.
[edit] Ethnic Albania
Ethnic Albania is a term used primarily by Albanian nationalists to denote the territories claimed as the traditional homeland of the ethnic Albanians. These territories include Albania, Kosovo, Presheva, Medvegja and Bujanoc in Serbia, western parts of Republic of Macedonia and parts of Montenegro (Podgorica, Ulqin, etc.) Parts of the Epirus region of Greece referred to by Albanians as Çamëria are also sometimes included in this definition.
[edit] World War II
The Albanian Fascist Party became the ruling party of the Italian Protectorate of Albania in 1939 and the prime minister Shefqet Verlaci approved the possible administrative union of Albania and Italy, because he wanted the Italian support in order to get the union of Kosovo, Chameria and other "Albanian irredentism" into Greater Albania. Indeed, this unification was realized after the Axis occupation of Yugoslavia and Greece from spring 1941. The Albanian fascists claimed in May 1941 that nearly all the Albanian populated territories were united to Albania.[4] [5]
So, between May 1941 and September 1943, Benito Mussolini placed nearly all the land inhabited by ethnic Albanians under the jurisdiction of an Albanian quisling government. That included the Republic of Kosovo, parts of the Republic of Macedonia and some small border areas of Montenegro. In Chameria an Albanian high commissioner, Xhemil Dino, was appointed by the Italians; but the area remained under the control of the Italian military command in Athens and so technically remained a region of Greece.
When the Germans occupied the area and substituted the Italians, they maintained the borders created by Mussolini, but after World War II the Albanian borders were returned by the Allies to the pre-war status.
[edit] Current status
The recent independence of Kosovo could be interpreted as a degree of success in the creation of a Greater Albania (were such territory to be annexed to Albania or federated with the state), although the United Nations (UN) has stated that if as a result Kosovo becomes independent, annexation to another state would not be possible. In a survey carried out by United Nations Development Programme, UNDP, and published in March 2007 only 2.5% of the Albanians in Kosovo thought unification with Albania is the best solution for Kosovo. 96% said they wanted Kosovo to become independent within its present borders.[6]
[edit] Territories claimed
[edit] Kosovo
Kosovo presently has an overwhelmingly Albanian majority, estimated to be around 88%.[7]
[edit] Montenegro
Montenegro also contains sizeable Albanian populations mostly concentrated in areas such as southern Malësia, the Podgorica (Potgorica), Ulcinj (Ulqini) municipality on the coast, the Tuzi area near Podgorica, and parts of the Plav (Plava), Gusinje (Guci) and Rožaje (Rozhajë) municipalities.[citation needed]
[edit] Greece
According to the 1928 census held by the Greek state, there were around 20.000 Muslim Cams in Thesprotia prefecture. They were forced to seek refuge in Albania at the end of WWII after a part of them collaborated and committed a number of crimes together with the Nazis during the 1941-1944 period. In the first post-war census (1951), only 123 Muslim Çams were left in the area. Descendants of the exiled Muslim Chams (they claim that they are now up to 170,000, living in Albania) claim that up to 35,000 Muslim Çams were living in southern Epirus before World War II. Many of them are currently trying to pursue legal ways to claim compensation for the properties seized by Greece. Nowadays, only a small number live in Greece[8]. For Greece the issue does not exist[9].
[edit] Republic of Macedonia
The western part of Republic of Macedonia is an area with a large ethnic Albanian minority. The Albanian population in Republic of Macedonia is variously estimated to make up 25% of the population. Cities with Albanian majorities or large minorities include Tetovo (Tetova), Gostivar (Gostivari), Struga (Struga), Debar (Diber), Kumanovo (Kumanova) and Skopje (Shkup)[10]. In 1992 Albanian activists in Struga proclaimed also the founding of the Republic of Illyrade(Alb:Republika e Iliridës)[11] with the intention of autonomy or federalization inside the Republic of Macedonia. The declaration had only symbolic meaning and the idea of an autonomous state of Illyrade(Alb:Iliridë) is not officially accepted by the ethnic Albanian politicians in the Republic of Macedonia[12] [13]. (See also 2001 Macedonia conflict)
[edit] Preševo Valley
The municipalities of Presheva, Bujanoc and part of the municipality of Medveđa (Medvegja) also contain Albanian populations. According to the 2002 census, Preševo contained an overwhelming Albanian ethnic majority of over 90%. Bujanovcac around 54.69% and Medveđa 26.17%. Tense relations between ethnic Serbians and Albanians and also the increased hatred after the Kosovo War, resulted in military actions after the Liberation Army of Preševo, Medveđa and Bujanovac (UÇPMB) was formed. One of UÇPMB's roles entails seceding these specific municipalities from Serbia and annex them to the independent Republic of Kosovo.
[edit] Political uses of the concept
The Albanian question in the Balkan peninsula is in part the consequence of the decisions made by Western Powers. One theory posits that the United Kingdom, France, Germany, and Austro-Hungary wanted to maintain a brittle balance in Europe in the late 19th century following the fall of the Ottoman Empire.
“ | We spent the 1990s worrying about a Greater Serbia. That's finished. We are going to spend time well into the next century worrying about a Greater Albania. | ” |
—Christopher R. Hill, US Ambassador to the Republic of Macedonia, 1999[14] |
The degree to which different groups are working towards, and what efforts such groups are undertaking in order to achieve a Greater Albania is disputed. There seems no evidence that anything more than a few unrepresentative extremist groups are working towards this cause; the vast majority of Albanians want to live in peace with their neighbors. However, it must be noted that they also want the human rights of the Albanian ethnic populations in Republic of Macedonia, Serbia, Greece to be respected. An excellent example is the friendly relationship between the Republic of Montenegro and the support towards the integration of the Albanian population in Republic of Macedonia - there is Albanian representation in government, the national parliament, local government, and the business sector, and no evidence of systematic discrimination on an ethnic or religious basis against the Albanian (or indeed any other minority) population.[citation needed]
In 2000, then-secretary of state Madeleine Albright said, that the international community would not tolerate any efforts towards the creation of a Greater Albania.[15]
[edit] International Crisis Group Research
International Crisis Group researched the issue of Pan-Albanianism[16] and published a report titled "Pan-Albanianism: How Big a Threat to Balkan Stability?" on February 2004. Their report concludes that the "notions of pan-Albanianism are far more layered and complex than the usual broad brush characterisations of ethnic Albanians simply bent on achieving a greater Albania or a greater Kosovo." Furthermore, the report states that amongst Albanians "violence in the cause of a greater Albania, or of any shift of borders, is neither politically popular nor morally justified." International Crisis Group advises the Albanian and Greek governments to endeavour and settle the long-standing issue of the Chams displaced from Greece in 1945, before it gets hijacked and exploited by extreme nationalists, and the Chams' legitimate grievances get lost in the struggle to further other national causes. Moreover, the ICG findings suggest that Albania is more interested in developing cultural and economic ties with Kosovo, whilst maintaining separate statehood.[17]
[edit] References
- ^ The last census conducted on the size of ethnic minorities in Albania was under the communist regime in 1989
- ^ http://www.da.mod.uk/colleges/csrc/document-listings/balkan/07%2811%29MD.pdf,"as Albanians continue mobilizing their ethnic presence in a cultural, geographic and economic sense, they further the process of creating a Greater Albania. "
- ^ Jelavich, Barbara (1983). History of the Balkans: Eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Cambridge University Press. pp. 361-65. ISBN 0521274583. http://books.google.com/books?id=qR4EeOrTm-0C&pg=PA361&dq=league+of+prizren.
- ^ a b Zolo Danilo. Invoking humanity: war, law, and global order. Continuum International Publishing Group, 2002. ISBN 9780826456557, p. 24: "It was under the Italian and German occupation of 1939-1944 that the project of Greater Albania... was conceived."
- ^ see map
- ^ UNDP: Early Warning Report. March 2007, p. 16 (Online text)
- ^ CIA
- ^ Le Monde diplomatique, [1]
- ^ http://www.da.mod.uk/colleges/csrc/document-listings/balkan/07%2801%29MV.pdf Despite the Cham-induced controversy, during a visit to Albania in mid-October 2004, Greek President Konstantinos Stephanopoulos stated at a news conference that the Cham issue did not exist for Greece and that claims for the restoration of property presented by both the Cham people and the Greek minority in Albania belonged to a past historical period which he considered closed. "I don't know if it is necessary to find a solution to the Cham issue, as in my opinion it does not need to be solved,” he said. “There have been claims from both sides, but we should not return to these matters. The question of the Cham properties does not exist," he told. When speaking of claims from both sides, Stephanopolous was referring reporters. to the Greek claims on Vorio Epirus (Northern Epirus), which include a considerable part of southern Albania.
- ^ Unrepresented Nations & Peoples Organization, Yearbook 1995 Page 41 By Mary Kate Simmons ISBN 904110223X
- ^ Whose Democracy? Nationalism, Religion, and the Doctrine of Collective rights in post-1989 eastern Europe Page 80 By Sabrina P. Ramet (1997) ISBN 0847683249
- ^ Ethnic Politics in Eastern Europe Page 116 By Janusz Bugajski (1995) ISBN 1563242826
- ^ Macedonia: Authorities Allege Existence Of New Albanian Rebel Group
- ^ Sam Vaknin. The Union of Death: Terrorists and Freedom Fighters in the Balkans "The Army of Liberation" (Part V)
- ^ [2]
- ^ http://www.da.mod.uk/colleges/csrc/document-listings/balkan/07%2801%29MV.pdf "Cham demonstrators was enough to galvanise Greece into defensive mode. The country embarked upon a series of military and diplomatic initiatives, which suggested a fear of Pan-Albanian expansion towards north-western Greece. Serbian and Macedonian media reports were claiming that new Pan-Albanian organisations were planning to expand their operations into north-western Greece to include Meanwhile, Chameria in their plans for the unification of “all Albanian territories.” international observers were concerned that Kosovo politicians might start speculating with the Cham issue.
- ^ Pan-Albanianism: How Big a Threat to Balkan Stability?, Europe Report N°153, 25 February 2004
[edit] Sources
- Canak, Jovan M. Greater Albania: concepts and possibile [sic] consequences. Belgrade: Institute of Geopolitical Studies, 1998.
- Archivo storico, Ministero degli Affari Esteri (Italy).
- Sottosegretario di Stato per gli Affari Albanesi (State Undersecretary for Albanian Affairs) of Italy (1939-1943).
- Jaksic G. and Vuckovic V. Spoljna politika srbije za vlade. Kneza Mihaila, Belgrade, 1963.
- Dimitrios Triantaphyllou. The Albanian Factor. ELIAMEP, Athens, 2000.
[edit] See also
- League of Prizren
- History of Albania
- History of the Balkans
- Albanophobia
- Albanian nationalism and independence
- Kosovo independence precedent
- Albanian nationalism
[edit] External links
- Albanian history by Robert Elsie
- Albanian Canadian League Information Service (ACLIS)
- Perspective: Albania and Kosova by Van Christo
- High Albania by M. Edith Durham
- Albanian Identities by Antonina Zhelyazkova
- The Kosovo Chronicles by Dusan Batakovic
- Albania and Kosovo | What happened to Greater Albania?, The Economist, 18 January 2007
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