Sunday, July 19, 2009

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Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps

Associated Press

Updated: June 23, 2009

"While the Constitution of Iran entrusts the military with guarding Iran's territorial integrity and political independence, it gives the Revolutionary Guard [Pasdaran] the responsibility of guarding the Revolution itself," is the way an article by the Federation of American Scientists on the force begins. In recent years, American officials have contended that the Guard, the Praetorian guard that has long protected the Iranian government, has gone beyond its mission and supports militant groups throughout the Middle East, including Iraq.

There is no question that the Guards are far more than a military or police force. The Guards, which has about 200,000 members, controls a huge empire that has a stake in every significant corner of Iran's economy and its civil system of governance. The country's hardline president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, was a member of the Guards during the 1980 to 1988 war with Iraq, and he has placed dozens of former members in leadership positions around the country and in the central government in Tehran.

The Guards are, by design, the most economic and politically independent body in the country, outside of the supreme leader's office. In September 2007, the supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, announced that Gen. Yahya Rahim Safavi, who had led the force for a decade, would be replaced by Brig. Gen. Mohammad Ali Jafari.

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General Jafari has an established record of support for the theocratic system of government, and its hard-line policies. In 1999, he showed a willingness to use the Guard's military force to quell student riots. In a letter to Mohammad Khatami, then the president, he wrote, ''We have reached the end of our rope and can no longer tolerate it if the situation is not confronted.''

The administration of George W. Bush was far more interested in accusations that the Revolutionary Guard, in particular its elite Quds Force unit, has been supplying weapons and training to anti-American fighters in Iraq. In a series of briefings in 2007, military officials made charges that the Guards were responsible for the so-called shaped charges, far more sophisticated than the standard improvised explosive devices, that have been claiming an increasing number of American lives. In a press conference, President Bush stated flatly that the Quds force was the source of such weapons, though he said there was no conclusive evidence that the shipments had been authorized by top Iranian officials.

On Oct. 24, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson announced sanctions against the Quds force, calling it a terrorist group, and accused the entire Revolutionary Guard Corps of proliferating weapons of mass destruction. While the United States has long labeled Iran as a state sponsor of terrorism, the decision to single out the Guard reflects also increased frustration in the administration with the slow pace of diplomatic negotiations over Tehran’s nuclear program.

The designations put into play unilateral sanctions intended to impede the Guard and those who do business with it. This was the first time that the United States has taken such steps against the armed forces of any sovereign government.

In the same year, oil revenue helped shore up the Ahmadinejad government by enriching a new ruling class made up of Revolutionary Guard members and members and alumni of the Basij militia who have their hand in nearly every aspect of the economy and the government.

But in June 2009 Mr. Ahmadinejad's legitimacy and Mr. Khamenei's leadership were challenged by Iranians angry over the results of the presidential election. Tens of thousands have flooded the streets of Tehran and elsewhere in demonstrations.

The crisis, the gravest since the Islamic Revolution in 1979, erupted after Iran's Interior Ministry declared that the moderate Mir Hussein Moussavi was defeated by Mr. Ahmadinejad by 63 percent to 34 percent. The demonstrators, who represent a cross section of society and part of the clerical establishment, have called the official results a fraud, demanding a full recount if not a new election.

A few days before the vote, Yadollah Javani, the head of the Revolutionary Guard political office, had said if Mr. Moussavi had a velvet revolution in mind, he would see it "quashed before it is born."

With the nation's ruling class apparently divided by the electoral results, the hard-liners in charge sought to portray the unrest as the work of outsiders. The Guard said it had taken action against "deviant news sites" financed by American and Canadian companies.

On June 22, the Guards issued an ominous warning on their Web site saying that protesters would face "revolutionary confrontation." "The Guards will firmly confront in a revolutionary manner rioters and all those who violate the law," the notice said. Shortly afterward, a group of as many as a thousand demonstrators at Haft-e-tir Square in central Tehran was quickly overwhelmed by baton-wielding riot police and tear gas.

The following day, the Guardian Council, the nation's most powerful oversight panel, refused to nullify the election just a day after it announced that the number of votes in 50 cities exceeded the number of eligible voters there by three million.

Selected Articles About Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps

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The Bush administration is adopting a more confrontational approach with Tehran, reflecting frustration with a stalled sanctions package at the U.N. Security Council.

August 16, 2007worldNews

ARTICLES ABOUT ISLAMIC REVOLUTIONARY GUARDS CORPS

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        By denying legitimacy to the regime in Tehran, democracies can give a boost to the forces of change.

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          Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, said Iranians would react as a “united fist” if foreign governments meddled in his country’s affairs.

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            An important group of religious leaders in Iran called for the results to be thrown out, the most public sign of a major split in the clerical establishment.

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                President Obama must leave Iran’s leaders dangling for the foreseeable future. He should refrain indefinitely from talk of engagement.

                July 2, 2009
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                  The unexpectedly rapid decision by the Guardian Council set off angry screaming in Tehran.

                  June 30, 2009
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                    The history of using repression to save regimes is long. But when the hammer comes down, the impact is unpredictable.

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                      There were further signs that the opposition was running out of options in challenging the election results.

                      June 28, 2009
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                        For Bahais, a Crackdown Is Old News

                        For the 165,000 Bahais in the United States, many refugees from Iran, the questionable election and suppression of protesters are grim confirmation of the government’s character.

                        June 27, 2009
                          Iranian Leaders Gaining the Edge Over Protesters
                          Iranian Leaders Gaining the Edge Over Protesters

                          Options continued to shrink for the opposition as Iran’s main oversight group said that the election had been the “healthiest” since 1979.

                          June 27, 2009
                            Ahmadinejad Reaps Benefits of Stacking Agencies With Allies
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                            Iran’s president has kept a low profile since the vote, but he has powerful backers, some of whom are determined to hold on to power undemocratically if necessary.

                            June 25, 2009
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                              Iran Stepping Up Effort to Quell Election Protest

                              The Iranian leadership has begun casting anyone who disputes the presidential election result as an enemy of the nation.

                              June 25, 2009
                              MORE ON ISLAMIC REVOLUTIONARY GUARDS CORPS AND: ELECTIONS, DEMONSTRATIONS AND RIOTS, IRAN, REZAI, MOHSEN

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